tioresorepfolg.ga/what-does-taco-mean-in-online-dating.php At a time of partisan gridlock, there may be a unique opportunity for a bipartisan push to pass a national privacy law. While innovative tech companies have enabled new ways for individuals to develop meaningful connections with one another, online platforms have also created the largest forum for bad actors to post and disseminate violent and extremist content, fake news, and disinformation. For a long time, online platforms have argued that they are not publishers and therefore not responsible for any harmful content their users post and circulate.
Rather than policing their own platforms, tech companies have largely relied on users to flag inappropriate content. Recently, however, online platforms have taken steps to reduce the spread of harmful content, acknowledging they have a responsibility to more closely monitor the content they host.
Facebook, for example, has announced new features and product updates it plans to roll out to monitor harmful content, including restrictions on its live video service.
In , Germany implemented a new law prohibiting hate speech on online platforms. Cognizant of the important role online platforms play in informing voters, French lawmakers recently passed a law that empowers judges to order tech platforms to remove disinformation during election campaigns, and French lawmakers will soon consider whether its own online hate speech laws need to be updated.
In the wake of the Christchurch mosque massacres, Australian lawmakers passed a law that subjects online platforms to huge fines and tech executives to jail time if violent material is not removed from platforms in a timely manner. Eighteen countries and five American tech companies—Amazon, Facebook, Google, Microsoft, and Twitter—signed onto the accord.
The most aggressive regulatory efforts to date to rein in harmful content comes from the United Kingdom, where leading consumer protection regulators have called for establishing new government powers to regulate harmful content online, including extremist and violent content, disinformation, and material that exploits children. In an interview with Business Insider, the U. Nonetheless, U.
In April , lawmakers amended Section of the Communications Decency Act to allow prosecutors and sex trafficking victims to take websites to court if advertisements or posts facilitate trafficking. While tackling online privacy has attracted bipartisan support among U. Prominent Republicans, including the president, argue that big tech is suppressing conservative speech. Democrats believe such claims distract from a bigger problem: Platforms have failed to aggressively police hate speech and disinformation. The growing bipartisan chorus to rein in big tech may mask significant differences in how each party views the threat posed by big tech.
While dominant online platforms have created a new home on the internet for fake news and conspiracy theories, they have become an indispensable tool for the circulation of legitimate content. One-in-five U.
As a result, print and online media have struggled to sustain themselves financially. A number of countries have grown increasingly concerned about the future of journalism in the digital economy. The Australian Competition and Consumer Commission argues that digital platforms pose a serious challenge to the provision of journalism and has called for establishing a regulatory authority to oversee and monitor how digital platforms display news and identify how algorithms affect the production of news. The European Union has already taken steps to level the playing field between content creators and online platforms.
A recently passed copyright directive requires tech companies to enter into licensing agreements with content creators including media companies in order to share their content on the platform. Some U. Ben Cardin introduced the Newspaper Revitalization Act which would have enabled newspapers to operate as nonprofits, making advertising and subscription revenue tax exempt and enabling tax-deductible contributions to support coverage.
This imbalance of power between newsrooms and social media sites is mirrored throughout the digital economy, from third-party vendors selling on Amazon Marketplace to app developers making their products available for download on the App Store. Content creators and businesses hold little power to extract fairer terms from the large online platforms that have become indispensable business partners.
This reflects, in part, the inherent nature of the digital economy which is made up of highly concentrated markets that favor dominance. A platform becomes more valuable to each individual user as the total number of users increases. The greater the number of connections a user builds on a platform, the greater the switching costs a user incurs.
This network effect makes it incredibly difficult for potential competitors to enter the market. The massive amount of personal data platforms hold on their users also tips tech markets toward concentration. The more data a platform holds on its users, the more effectively it can customize the articles, photos, and posts an individual user is likely to enjoy, creating a feedback effect that has allowed a few platforms to dominate. While these market dynamics inherently constrain competition, some tech companies have deliberately undermined competition to entrench their dominance.
Big tech companies have bought up hundreds of start-ups, depriving the market of potential competitors. Google alone has acquired more than start-ups since its founding.
As a result, many venture capitalists and entrepreneurs have internalized a strategy of trying to be bought out by dominant tech companies instead of trying to compete against them. Major online platforms have also used their platforms to unfairly prioritize their own products and services and priced products below cost to out-discount competitors.
Margrethe Vestager, the European Union Commissioner for Competition, has set the standard for tough enforcement against tech companies that weaken competition. This is the first time that a major competition enforcer in the EU has found a company in violation of competition law for failing to comply with data protection principles. At the heart of these enforcement actions is an emerging international consensus that data is a new, under-examined source of market power in the tech sector.
An emerging view also holds that antitrust and regulatory action may be needed to rein in big tech. A government-appointed Digital Competition Expert Panel in the United Kingdom recently concluded that neither antitrust action to ensure markets operate freely and competitively nor government intervention through regulation will be sufficient on its own. The digital economy does not require changing the fundamental aims of competition law, but simply modernizing enforcement. The surplus data became the basis for new predictions markets called targeted advertising.
Here was the origin of surveillance capitalism in an unprecedented and lucrative brew: behavioural surplus, data science, material infrastructure, computational power, algorithmic systems, and automated platforms. As click-through rates skyrocketed, advertising quickly became as important as search. Eventually it became the cornerstone of a new kind of commerce that depended upon online surveillance at scale.
The success of these new mechanisms only became visible when Google went public in JN: So surveillance capitalism started with advertising, but then became more general? SZ: Surveillance capitalism is no more limited to advertising than mass production was limited to the fabrication of the Ford Model T. It quickly became the default model for capital accumulation in Silicon Valley, embraced by nearly every startup and app.
It has spread across a wide range of products, services, and economic sectors, including insurance, retail, healthcare, finance, entertainment, education, transportation, and more, birthing whole new ecosystems of suppliers, producers, customers, market-makers, and market players. I am fascinated by the structure of colonial conquest, especially the first Spaniards who stumbled into the Caribbean islands. Back then Columbus simply declared the islands as the territory of the Spanish monarchy and the pope.
The sailors could not have imagined that they were writing the first draft of a pattern that would echo across space and time to a digital 21st century. The first surveillance capitalists also conquered by declaration. They simply declared our private experience to be theirs for the taking, for translation into data for their private ownership and their proprietary knowledge.
They relied on misdirection and rhetorical camouflage, with secret declarations that we could neither understand nor contest. Google began by unilaterally declaring that the world wide web was its to take for its search engine.
Surveillance capitalism originated in a second declaration that claimed our private experience for its revenues that flow from telling and selling our fortunes to other businesses. In both cases, it took without asking. Page [Larry, Google co-founder] foresaw that surplus operations would move beyond the online milieu to the real world, where data on human experience would be free for the taking.
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As it turns out his vision perfectly reflected the history of capitalism, marked by taking things that live outside the market sphere and declaring their new life as market commodities. We were caught off guard by surveillance capitalism because there was no way that we could have imagined its action, any more than the early peoples of the Caribbean could have foreseen the rivers of blood that would flow from their hospitality toward the sailors who appeared out of thin air waving the banner of the Spanish monarchs.
Like the Caribbean people, we faced something truly unprecedented. Once we searched Google, but now Google searches us. Once we thought of digital services as free, but now surveillance capitalists think of us as free. This duality set information technology apart from earlier generations of technology: information technology produces new knowledge territories by virtue of its informating capability, always turning the world into information.
The result is that these new knowledge territories become the subject of political conflict. Now the same dilemmas of knowledge, authority and power have surged over the walls of our offices, shops and factories to flood each one of us… and our societies. Surveillance capitalists were the first movers in this new world. They declared their right to know, to decide who knows, and to decide who decides. JN: So the big story is not really the technology per se but the fact that it has spawned a new variant of capitalism that is enabled by the technology?
We have no formal control over these processes because we are not essential to the new market action. Instead we are exiles from our own behaviour, denied access to or control over knowledge derived from its dispossession by others for others.
We are the native peoples now whose claims to self-determination have vanished from the maps of our own experience. While it is impossible to imagine surveillance capitalism without the digital, it is easy to imagine the digital without surveillance capitalism. The point cannot be emphasised enough: surveillance capitalism is not technology. Digital technologies can take many forms and have many effects, depending upon the social and economic logics that bring them to life.
Surveillance capitalism relies on algorithms and sensors, machine intelligence and platforms, but it is not the same as any of those. SZ: Surveillance capitalism moves from a focus on individual users to a focus on populations, like cities, and eventually on society as a whole. Think of the capital that can be attracted to futures markets in which population predictions evolve to approximate certainty.
This has been a learning curve for surveillance capitalists, driven by competition over prediction products. First they learned that the more surplus the better the prediction, which led to economies of scale in supply efforts.
Then they learned that the more varied the surplus the higher its predictive value. This new drive toward economies of scope sent them from the desktop to mobile, out into the world: your drive, run, shopping, search for a parking space, your blood and face, and always… location, location, location. The evolution did not stop there.
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